Monday 28 October 2013

Canal Boat Hitchiking

*My brother and I spent 5 days hitchiking on canal boats from Manchester to Lichfield in September 2012.*

Ordinarily as a hitchhiker one hopes for as much passing traffic as possible, so that the slim chances of getting a lift from any one of the staring faces that zoom by are compensated for by sheer numbers. When hitchhiking on canal boats there is very little traffic, but the odds of being taken onboard are extraordinarily good, it seems. In five days hitching from Manchester to Lichfield down the Macclesfield, Trent & Mersey, and Coventry canals , my brother and I asked for lifts from seven boats and only had two refusals.

Mostly we parked ourselves at the front of the boat, smoking his electric cigarette and chatting about the new turn his life was taking post university. I saw an otter slip into the water just ahead of us somewhere around Rugeley as we chugged along with a retired couple (a sewing machine mechanic and a hairdresser), and somewhere around Stone the last of the swallows swooped across our bows and thought about slinging their hooks before the weather turned. We soon learned to incorporate “we’ll stay out of your way at the front” into our pitch.

At Bosley locks on the Macclesfield canal, on the second day of our trip, we were picked up by Brian and Ann-Marie on the Alton, a 1936 coal barge built at the Harland and Woolf yard at Woolwich. At one time there were as many as 300 of these ‘Big Woolwich’ barges, but after the British Transport Commission discontinued canal freight in the early 1960s almost all of them were turned into houseboats or pleasure cruisers, or scrapped. Perhaps only ten remain in their original form, Brian reckons, with an engine room and a tiny one room living space at the stern, and the rest of the 70-odd feet of the boat filled up with 30 tons of cargo covered with tarpaulin.

Brian grew up on the Wirral and used to work as an automotive engineer, making car parts for Toyota, but he has been in love with canal boats since he took a holiday on his dad’s mate’s boat one summer when he was fifteen. He’s a stocky bloke with a big brown beard, wearing a heavy padded neon construction site jacket engrained with grime. Ann-Marie had a wooly hat half pulled down on top of blonde hair and a padded check shirt, and looked tired. We later learnt they had been up since 5.30 that morning.

The Alton is still a working boat. Brian and Ann-Marie run the Renaissance Canal Carrying Co. selling solid fuel, diesel, gas canisters and a few other bits and bobs along the canals of Cheshire and Staffordshire. Their regular round, a loop that starts and finishes near Macclesfield, takes about a fortnight, and they do it about once a month, with rest and restocking time at their houseboat. They sell to anyone who wants along the canal, including pubs, boatyards and so on, but most of their customers are people who live aboard. There are more customers in summer as there are more boats around, but fuel orders are larger in winter, so broadly speaking it seems to level out.

Brian’s full of knowledge about canals. When this or that one was built, how they came to be narrow unlike the canals and navigations in Europe, who’s the best boat builder in Staffordshire. He talked about the horse rope marks you find in bridges, or about the places on the Trent and Mersey around Stoke where they fitted cast iron covers at the stone corners, and that even these have been worn by ropes, or where they fitted wooden rollers, the iron brackets for which can sometimes still be seen. He talked about canal characters like Caggie Stevens of Birmingham, who used to collect factory rubbish on his barges, pulled by a horse right up to the 1990s. We tried to help out as we made our way down to Kidsgrove, lugging bags of coal or holding ropes to stay alongside a boat as Ann-Marie pumped it full of diesel. Sometimes we’d pass a holidaying narrowboat at a set of locks. “Is that a working boat?” they’d say, full of excitement and a hint of envy, “It’s good to see there are still working boats.”

That night our kid and I fetched up camping on waste ground between the West Coast Mainline and the Trent and Mersey canal, next to G.Park Blue Planet, a warehouse built on the site of a former colliery by Gazeley, an international developer of ‘sustainable distribution space.’ The centre has been empty since it was built with Regional Development Agency money in 2009. You can’t miss a five second view of it as you whoosh past on the West Coast Mainline just north of Stoke, a big green thing showing off a long row of empty lorry docking ports.


In the early evening a few dog walkers skirted the edges of the boggy ponds nearby and looked over at us curiously as we heated up water on a camping stove for cous cous and Tesco tinned curry sauce. Night fell and we went to bed, the lights of the empty warehouse shining mistily through the tent fabric and the trains rushing past every ten minutes. The next morning it was raining and the canal was still sleeping, so we walked through Burslem, the ‘Mother Town’ of the potteries with its old branch canal drained and filled in in the 60s, and skirted more of England’s underside, until we finally got a lift from another retiree in Stoke; a former IT manager at Rolls Royce.

In China Town

Since the summer, members of the London Chinatown Chinese Association say, the UK Border Agency has been targeting businesses in Chinatown, looking for people who may be living or working in Britain illegally. Most of the raids, according to the LCCA, have been speculative ‘fishing’ trips, based on no intelligence and designed to intimidate. Almost every business in Chinatown has been hit. At one restaurant the officers showed the manager their warrant only after the raid was finished – they were at the wrong address. 

On Tuesday afternoon, most businesses in Chinatown shut down in protest, their owners and employees marching through the streets of Soho. The demonstration was organised by the LCCA and Min Quan, a project of the anti-racist Monitoring Group. 

Read the rest here: 
http://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2013/10/24/harry-stopes/in-china-town/


A Marikana Continua

There were no more than twenty of us outside South Africa House the other week. Londoners are used to small demonstrations outside foreign embassies, and passers-by didn’t pay much attention. We were there in support of the Abahlali baseMjondolo (Zulu for ‘shackdwellers’) movement. AbM was founded in Durban in 2005, after land at Kennedy Road, which the municipality had long promised would be used for housing for the poor, was sold to a developer. Echoing the language of Lefebvre, AbM call for the poor’s ‘right to the city’.   

The state’s response has been unyielding. In 2007 the Kwa-Zulu Natal provincial government passed the Elimination and Prevention of Re-emergence of Slums Act, which provided for forced evictions without a court order. AbM went to the Constitutional Court to have the law overturned. They won the case, but on 26 September 2009, shortly before the judgment was passed down, an AbM meeting in Kennedy Road was attacked by an armed gang, which AbM leaders say was connected to local ANC figures. Two people were killed. Thirteen AbM supporters were arrested, and no attackers.

read the rest here:
http://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2013/10/18/harry-stopes/outside-south-africa-house/

Wednesday 10 July 2013

Well played, Gents.

On 30th March Huddersfield Town played Hull City at home. The fixture was originally scheduled to be played at 12.30, but Sky TV decided that they wanted to broadcast the match live, and have it kick off at 5.20 instead. Huddersfield wrote to West Yorkshire Police to request permission to make the change. It's a standing rule of thumb in football policing that the later a match kicks off the more 'risk' it poses, because supporters will have more time to get drunk beforehand. Seemingly on this basis, West Yorkshire Police would only permit a later kick off time under certain very strict conditions.

The most significant of these conditions was that all Hull fans buying a ticket for the match would at the same time be obliged to purchase official coach travel from Hull. All travel to the match for Hull fans would have to start and finish in Hull. A fan living in West Yorkshire, or London, or wherever, would be obliged to make his way to Hull first in order to go to Huddersfield. The reaction of fans was furious, with one fifteen year old Hull fan living in Manchester attempting to force a judicial review. As a compromise police eventually agreed that fans that didn't wish to travel from Hull could make their own way to a rendezvous at a motorway service station near the Huddersfield stadium and use police-escorted buses. Many Hull fans stayed away, while others protested outside the ground before the match.

RedsAway, a website about away matches for Manchester United fans, used the Freedom of Information Act to request copies of all police correspondence relating to the match. The emails reveal a police decision making process that was haphazard and rested on little evidential basis. West Yorkshire Police seemingly gave no consideration to the rights of thousands of fans to enjoy going to a football match in a manner of their own choosing, instead making their policing decisions solely on the basis of perceived (exaggerated) risk, and on the extra cost to the public purse of letting Hull fans travel the way they pleased.

In the face of criticism when the restrictions were originally announced, police tried to deflect the anger, saying that policing plans were the result of negotiation and agreement between all parties. But the emails reveal that the police went into meetings prepared to concede very little ground. As the clubs were under pressure from the Football League to ensure the game went ahead and was televised, they were in a weak negotiating position – something of which the police were aware. “The club were clearly under a lot of pressure from the FA [sic] to get the game on and I have made it clear there will be no further negotiation from ourselves,” Chief Superintendent Tim Kingsman wrote on 5th February. In reply he received a laddish pat on the back from the Assistant Chief Constable: “Gents. Well played, keep me in the loop re: developments.”

Police were unprepared for the scale and volume of fans' anger. They have become so used to pushing people around that it never occurred to them that fans would object to having their movements determined and supervised for around seven hours in order that they could watch a game of football lasting ninety minutes – in a fixture which hadn't seen any trouble for over a decade. When Hull City objected, Kingsman said he was happy to attend a meeting to explain his rationale, but only in the context where it was understood that there was “no further room for compromise.”

Ahead of follow up meetings with the clubs, Superintendent Ged McManus asked a junior officer to trawl through police databases to find some intelligence with which to retrospectively justify the purported high risk of the fixture. Research was also done through 'open source' channels, i.e. the internet. A police officer, paid by taxpayers whose money the WYP were so anxious to protect, was paid to read internet forums, Twitter and Facebook, and to trawl through Youtube videos trying to find evidence of Hull fans behaving badly.

Pressure grew, particularly after a BBC interview following which the police's PR division whinged in an email that McManus had been “ambushed,” by being forced to answer tough questions. One fan emailed to ask, pertinently, “on what legal basis you can prevent me travelling lawfully in my legal vehicle to a place of my choosing?” Police were gradually realising what a stupid decision they had made. At least, some of them were: Deputy Chief Constable Jawaid Akhtar praised a Yorkshire Post editorial because it laid the blame on fans for bringing the restrictions on themselves.

A police solicitor had a clearer idea of the reality, a reality which might be further exposed once the Police and Crime Commissioner's investigation into the decision has run its course. “We have an area of weakness,” he or she wrote, “which is the Leeds v Derby game where we have agreed to kick off at 5.30pm on Bank Holiday Monday with no restrictions... Leeds have a far worse record for disorder than either Hull or Huddersfield and there is evidence of recent disorder between Leeds and Derby... There is a risk that a Court would find that we have acted irrationally.”


Conditions of Sale

For most clubs in the NPower Championship, the football division below the Premier League, the season is now over. Cardiff City will be promoted as champions, along with Hull City, who came second. The next four teams are competing for the third promotion place. Leicester City beat Watford 1-0 in their first leg last night; Crystal Palace are playing Brighton and Hove Albion this evening; after the second legs on Sunday and Monday the winners will meet at Wembley.
 
Palace and Brighton have a longstanding rivalry. Violence between fans isn’t unknown. It’s standard practice with such ‘high risk’ matches for the police to make special plans. Police numbers go up, and more or less onerous restrictions are placed on fans: only season ticket holders may be eligible for tickets to away matches; trains to and from the match may be alcohol-free; movement outside the ground after the game may be limited.
 
But the restrictions on Brighton fans going to Palace tonight are something new. 

Read the rest here:
http://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2013/05/10/harry-stopes/conditions-of-sale/

Miembros no Numeros!

There are a few hundred outsourced workers at Senate House and other University of London buildings in Bloomsbury, including the intercollegiate student halls. Most of the caterers are employed by Aramark; the cleaners, security guards and maintenance by Balfour Beatty Workplace, the services arm of the construction giant. Most are immigrants; from Asia, Africa, Eastern Europe and, overwhelmingly in the case of the cleaners, Latin America.

Two years ago the cleaners were being paid £6.15 an hour, and only 18 outsourced workers were members of the trade union, Unison Senate House Branch. A group of activists, working with the branch education representative, began free English classes sponsored by the union, together with a recruitment drive. In July 2011 they started a campaign for the London Living Wage, and in September 2011 held an unofficial strike demanding overdue wages; Balfour Beatty paid out around £6000 within three days. Wages have gone up four times since October 2011; the cleaners are now paid £8.55 an hour.

Union recruitment soared: up to a third of Branch members, including some of its most active organisers, were outsourced workers – unprecendented for a group that is traditionally among the lowest paid, most vulnerable and most difficult to organise. Last September the cleaners launched a new campaign for 3 Cosas: sick pay, pensions and holidays on the same terms as directly employed university staff.

But the Union management and branch leadership have not been helpful, to put it mildly. The then branch chair tried unsuccessfully to block a committee vote to increase funding for the Living Wage campaign. The vice-chair, Simon Meredith, and secretary, Josephine Grahl, wouldn’t hold a vote on giving official support to the 3 Cosas campaign, and tried to co-opt the agenda with a campaign run by Unison management rather than by the cleaners. ‘All our resources were going into fighting our own Union, instead of the campaign,’ an activist told me.

Read the rest of the article here:
http://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2013/04/09/harry-stopes/miembros-no-numeros/

Tuesday 12 February 2013

What Community?

I was doing one of my irregular piss about trawls through my old word docs and found this, which I wrote in autumn 2011 about the riots of that summer. I published a version of it in Catch Magazine at the time, but this is the original.

Looting the Lexicon

I’m no Malcolm X, but I’m no Norman Tebbit either. ‘Malcman in the Middle,’ if you like. Being in the middle might be boring and not a sexy as stringing them all up, or garroting all the coppers, or taking everyone in London off to Butlins together and talking about our feelings, but I’m not inclined to apologise for that. I find it unlikely that a complex problem will have a simple solution. Simplicity, usually, is for simpletons.

But there’s a difference between simplicity and clarity. Too much of the language being used around the events of early August is vague, or meaningless, or is used as George Orwell once said, not to reveal meaning but to obscure it. In the two months since the riots and looting, things have got worse, with debate settling into familiar ruts and easy clichés, and most politicians and journalists claim to be able to end rioting simply by opening more youth centres or more jails, as if a profound sociological crisis could be solved by scrapping one trident missile and rewriting one line of a budget. If we are going to have a meaningful and productive discussion about what happened we need to start with first principles, and that starts with thinking about the words that we use.

I’ve been suspicious about the word ‘community’ for a long time, at least as it’s used in political discourse, where it has a long and sorry history. In the late 1990s for example, the Lord Rogers-endorsed political orthodoxy was that inner city areas like Gorton or Mile End suffered from a lack of communal feeling or ‘community spirit’ thanks to their unsympathetic architecture and urban landscape. The prescribed solution was to build anew, ensuring that the new Utopia that sprung up was designed in accordance with the wishes of the residents; ‘the local community.’ The writers of ‘Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance’, the 1999 report on the future of cities, never realised the circularity of stating on the one hand that dysfunctional design and degraded infrastructure made for a hollowed out, disparate population with no collective identity or solidarity, and on the other hand that the attendant social problems could be solved simply by talking to this population and listening to its (coherent? unanimous?) voice.

Anyway, fast forward to now and the word ‘community’ is being passed round like a bag of coke at a Bullingdon Club party. What is a community? Is it just a generic word for all the people who live in a geographical area? If it is it’s a rather useless concept, since if August showed us anything it’s that having a mix of people in an area doesn’t necessarily make it happy or socially cohesive. In fact, the evidence has been there for years, if you care to look. Middle class people who live in Brixton – like me, indeed – will say that they love the area for its diversity, its capacity to challenge one’s expectations, to expose one to funny food in the market. All this is true, up to a point, but what is also true is that any number of studies of Brixton - or London Fields, Dalston, Peckham, Kentish Town, Hammersmith, or anywhere else in London you care to mention – show that people here tend to associate with others who earn like them, learn like them, talk like them, think like them, dress like them, and usually look like them.

John Major once said that when faced with criminals society needed to “condemn a little more and understand a little less,” the only example I know of where a politician (openly) made it his policy to promote ignorance among the electorate. Reading my facebook during the riots I began to think that the internet was broken, and that the Daily Mail comments page was leaking into my newsfeed. People I used to know at school poured scorn on any attempt to understand or explain what was happening. ‘It’s criminality and greed’ they shrieked, la-la-laing with their fingers in their ears – an easy misunderstanding if you don’t know the difference between a cause and a motive. By all means declare that those people breaking windows and stealing trainers were motivated by nothing more than the desire to own and possess, and at the same time to disrupt and to destroy. Maybe that was all that was in their heads. But why, and how, do we come to a state of affairs, in this city – one of the richest and by its own proclamation, ‘greatest’ in the world – where a large number of young people are prepared to behave like this?

I began by listing a couple of people I am not. I could add semiotician to the list. I’m no Roland Barthes, for example, but in the last analysis I damn community for its lack of meaning. As Gramsci made clear, ideology is intimately linked with the concrete and material. To be ideological is not simply to be an idealist. Thus the hollowing out of our politics, the removal of ideology from our political parties, is paralleled by a turn to the abstract. For all their talk about ‘what works’, politicians now are less, not more engaged with reality.

‘Community’ is too vague to call up anything concrete. It is evocative rather than indicative. It calls to mind indisputed Good Things: friendly people, shops where they know your name, identifiably local places rather than characterless nonplaces, the personal rather than the anonymous, the specific rather than the general. A vision, of Police Community Support Officers biking through the morning mist to the Tesco megastore. It is apolitical. A solidarity without politics for a political culture without ideology. In short in this small angry island it is the only form of society we really deserve.

Tuesday 15 January 2013

Among The Touts


The only football ticket I’ve ever bought from a tout was for the FA Cup semi-final between Manchester City and United at Wembley last year. It cost me more than a third of my monthly rent. After the tout had satisfied himself that I wasn’t a cop he told me that the ticket was ‘one and a half’ and that I could collect it from his pal. ‘My mate’s in the bookies, ’cause it’s bent round here with the Old Bill.’ In the bookmakers there were horses on the telly, beer in the air, and football on everyone’s lips. A thin man with an unlit cigarette in his mouth gave me a ticket in a Club Wembley branded envelope, and I handed over £150.
Buying multiple gig tickets on several credit cards and selling them for a profit is not only legal but smiled on: the Conservative MP Sajid Javid called such touts ‘entrepreneurs’. But touting football tickets is a criminal offence, punishable with a fine up to £5000 and a ban from all matches for up to ten years. Similar laws are in place for the Olympics, with a maximum fine of £20,000. The Met have been stepping up their arrests of football touts since the beginning of last year, on the reasonable assumption that they are likely to be involved in selling Olympic tickets too. ‘What we have uncovered shows that organised crime networks of the highest level which are known to us are involved in ticketing offences,’ according to the head of Operation Podium.

Here Comes Dickens!


Recently I've been reading David Lodge's novel Therapy, in which the main character Tubby Passmore pursues various therapies for his painful knee and, later in the story, his broken heart. Tubby is a television writer, most famously for the Heartland Productions smash hit The People Next Door, a sitcom about two incompatible families that share the same party wall between their semi-detached houses. The show is a massive success, and Tubby has a large house in Rummidge, Lodgelandia, and a flat in non-fictionalised London.

The US version of the show is also succesful (which explains the house and flat), though as usual the Americans feel the need to change the name. The People Next Door becomesWho's Next Door? This suggests a more dynamic, exciting television concept. Not just a known, understood, fixed situation of some people next door, but a constant revisiting of the question – who are they, these people next door? Probably the writers would aim to hamfistedly restate the concept within the first couple of minutes of dialogue in every episode, for the benefit of American viewers chancing on the show for the first time, flicking through hundreds of American cable stations. There's also a hint of Guess Who's Coming to Dinner?there, with class in Tubby's original being replaced by race, though Lodge has the conversation about whether the Davises should be replaced by a Latino family go unresolved.

Being clear is good when translating titles. Elizabeth Laird's novel Red Sky in the Morning, which my mother read to my sister and I when we were children, is about a girl called Anna whose younger brother Ben is born with hydrocephalus. At first Anna is ashamed of Ben and tries to hide his condition from her friends, but later she comes to accept him and his disability. When it was first published in America this book was called Loving Ben. A Ronseal title, as David Cameron would probably say. John McGahern's That They May Face the Rising Sun (which was set by a lake)? By The Lake, published by KnopfWhimsy is out too. Angela Carter's The Infernal Desire Machines of Doctor Hoffman reappeared as the more prosaic The War of Dreams.

(As an aside, Tubby Passmore's oeuvre excepted, TV shows tend the cross the water unchanged. Well, the names stay the same – Life on Mars, Queer as Folk, Shameless, Cold Feet – they just replace the actors with sexier American versions and swap Manchester for New York.)

Americans seem to like names that suggest action, preferably in the present tense – continuous if possible. Helen Simpson's collection of stories Hey Yeah Right Get a Lifeappeared across the Atlantic with the self-helpy title Getting A Life. The Violent Effigy, John Carey's book on Dickens, went out in America as Here Comes Dickens, a name so bizzare that when I first heard it spoken aloud I assumed it was followed by an exclamation mark. Which really would be dynamic.